Read more
Israel — Lebanon War:
News flash highlights the middle east crisis As in the past, so in 2006, bloodshed,
massacres, war and mass misery were the Middle East's lot. While Iraq continued
to bleed, former president Saddam Hussein having been sentenced to death for
crimes against humanity, it was tiny Lebanon that for 34 dramatic days was the
focus of world attention. Hezbollah and Syed Hassan Nasrallah, its charismatic
leader, emerged as heroes for the Arab-Islamic world, and if there was "a
political corpse", to quote a European diplomat, it was Ehud Olmert, the
Israeli Prime Minister to whom fell the unenviable task of presiding over
Israel's second military defeat in less than six years.
Israel bombed Lebanon
mercilessly, killing its civilians without the slightest compunction, but that
failed to give it victory in south where Hezbollah fighters put up a resistance
that Israel and its supporters had not expected. The destruction of Lebanon's
infrastructure was not incidental; Israel made it clear it was destroying it
because it was used by Hezbollah for logistics. But Israel went a step further
and started destroying homes and apartment buildings and factories producing
civilian goods. The most terrible example of Israel's violation of the laws of
war was what has come to be called the second Qana massacre when on July 30
Israeli air strikes killed 56 people, including 36 children. Israel also bombed
out all bridges on the Litany river to cut off supplies for Hezbollah, its navy
blockaded Lebanese harbours, and the air force attacked Lebanese airports, but
Hezbollah fought on.
As Israel realized it could not annihilate
Hezbollah in a short blitz, it sought and got from the US and Britain the
assurance that they would continue to oppose a UN ceasefire resolution to give
Israel time to finish the job. It was when 34 days had passed and Israel was
nowhere near a victory that the US and UK finally agreed on a UN meeting a
ceasefire resolution.
The end of the war found
Israel licking its wounds without having achieved any of its war aims.
Hezbollah was there as strong as ever, its stockpiles of rockets intact, and
the Israelis had lost 118 solidiers and 39 civilians, and at least 22 tanks.
What is more, if security was Israeli's main concern in launching the blitz,
the mission failed, for Hezbollah responded to the Israeli attack on Lebanese
civilians by firing rockets on Israeli cities, especially Haifa, its third
largest city. Olmert managed to stay in power by making the army carry the can
for the military defeat and at least two generals had to resign.
The castes belly was supposed to be the
"kidnapping" of two Israeli soldiers by Hezbollah. According to the
norms developed by the western media, when Israel captures Arabs in battles,
they are prisoners of war, but when Arabs take Israeli prisoners, this becomes
"kidnapping". Much before Hezbollah took the two Israeli soldiers
prisoner and killed eight others on July 12, Israel had invaded the Gaza strip
for the umpteenth time, kidnapped seven Palestinian ministers and 20
legislators, disrupted Gaza's water and power supplies and blew up several
homes, and killed a number of Palestinian soldiers and civilians. This was on
top of the seven Palestinian picnickers Israel killed by shelling a Gaza beach
on June 9, forcing llamas to break the ceasefire it had unilaterally observe
for 16 months.
Even though Israel should have learnt its
lessons and realized that force was not going to pay, it made no attempt to
revive the peace process and to talk to Hamas, which was swept to power in the
January election, winning 76 out of the Palestinian Assembly's 135 seats.
Instead, Israel froze the Palestinian Authority's share of revenue, and saw to
it that the US and the European Union followed suit and cut off all
non-humanitarian assistance to the PA. To make matters, Fatah seems not to have
reconciled itself to the loss of power, and all attempts by President Mahmoud
Abbas to create a government of national unity failed. The result was
fratricide after Abbas said he was going to call an early election.
In December, a bipartisan
group released its report in Washington, asking the Bush administration to make
attempts to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict and to pull out troops from Iraq
by the first quarter of 2008. The report by the Iraq Study Group took a
realistic view of Iraq, where violence gave way to anarchy. On April 22, Nuri
Kamal al-Maliki was named' Minister by President Jala Talabani, a Kurd, in
place of Ibrahim Jaffari. But the government's security forces obviously could
not succeed where the US-led forces had failed. Even the death on June 7 of Abu
Musab Zargawi, who was leading the insurgency, did not serve to improve the
situation the average daily death toll hovered between 60 and 100. October saw
the highest number of US casualties in a , month — 102 — the highest since
fighting in Fallujah two years ago. On Feb 22, a bomb attack on the al-Askari
mosque in Samaria, one of the holiest Shia sites, caused no casualties, but
sectarian clashes the next day led to the recovery of 100 bodies riddled with
bullets. On the whole 165 people were believed to have been killed.
While the US death toll neared 3,000, Iraqi
civilian casualties according to Johns Hopkins researchers, had reached the
unbelievable figure of 600,000. However, the figure appeared exaggerated, and
Iraqi health minister Ali al-Shemari put it at 150,000. Following reverses in
the mid-term polls, Donald Rumsfeld resigned as defence secretary, but
President George Bush made it clear he had no intention of accepting the ISG
report's 2008 deadline for a withdrawal of American troops.
More awkward for him, the
ISG report, prepared by former secretary of state James Baker and former
Congressman Lee Hamilton asked the administration to "engage" Syria
and Iran for pacifying Iraq because of the two countries' "influence"
with that country. Iraq kept its options open and Foreign Minister Manoucheher
Muttaki told Dawn that his country would consider the talks offer if it was
formally made but that America must fisrt change its policy toward Iran and the
region in general. This appeared highly unlikely, for Iran's nuclear plans
seemed to be America's main concern, even though Tehran continued to insist
that its nuclear programme was for peaceful purposes.
On December 23, the Security Council slapped sanctions on Iran. Even though it was passed unanimously, China and Russia succeeded in diluting the resolution and confined the sanctions to Iran's nuclear and missile progammes. Iran's reaction was firm.. It is "a piece of paper:, President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad said and proclaimed that the West would need to live with an atomic Iran. All the while, the public authority declared that work on introducing 3,000 new rotators at the Natanz office would start right away. The unavoidable issue was whether Israel or America or both will utilize power to annihilate Iran's atomic establishments. On the homegrown front, the moderates experienced a misfortune as reformists did well in metropolitan surveys and races to the gathering of Elders.
For Turkey, the circumstance changed
significantly at the year's end as European Union unfamiliar priests settled on
December 11 to close eight of the 35 "sections" for enrollment talks.
This established an inversion of their June 12 choice and evoked genuine
analysis from Turkish Prime Minister Recep tayyip Erdogan, who called the
choice "uncalled for", said Turkey-EU relations were going through
"a genuine test" and swore to proceed with changes.
The staying point was Turkey's refusal to open its harbors and air terminals to Greek Cyprus, which Ankara doesn't perceive. Doing as such would add up to perceiving the southern republic.. Even though Turkey later agreed to open one port to Greek shipping, the EU still refused to budge. With a general election due this year, it is unlikely that the Erdogan government will soften its attitude toward Greek Cyprus.
Besides the Cyprus question,
the EU wanted Turkey to improve its human rights record and continue with
reforms, including abolition of article 301 of the penal code which seeks to
punish those guilty of "insulting Turkishness". There were other
"provocations" also for Turkey. On May 20, the French lower house
passed a law, making it a crime to deny the alleged Armenian genocide during
World War 1, and nonconformist writer Orhan Pamuk won a Nobel Prize.
Lebanon, meanwhile seemed to
be teetering on the brink of civil war as Hezobollah quit the government and,
along with some Christian groups, took to the streets to bring Fuad Siniora's
"pro-western" government down. On November 21, Industries Minister
Pierre Gemayel, an outspoken critic of Syria, was assassinated in Beirut, and
while the Arab League continued its mediatory effort, most Lebanese were
wondering whether their country was heading toward a second civil war.
Among the acts of terrorism outside Iraq were blasts at the Egyptian Red Sea resort of Ahab on April 24 killing 30 people and wounding 150. On the whole, the heart of the Middle East remained a region of turmoil and bloodshed throughout the year with no possibility of an end to the slaughter in Iraq, a revival of the Arab Israeli peace process, and a solution to Iran’s nuclear question.
![]() |
Middle East Crisis |
0 Reviews